Reshuffle in Rwanda: But Should We Really Care?

The announcement days ago that President Paul Kagame had sanctioned changes in the leadership of the country’s security services was received by many as good news.

Rwandese nationals across the  world and indeed other nationals who have been at the receiving end of the heavy handed former National Intelligence Security Service (NSS) chief, Col Dr. Emmanuel Ndahiro, could hardly hide their joy. Many took to internet forums and online publications to express their happiness.

To them, it must have somehow felt like justice was being served. And who can blame them. When you have been intimidated, tortured, maimed or harassed by a person as powerful as Dr. Ndahiro, any action that seeks to make him less popular can be easily confused as a remedy.

So there we had it. Maj. Gen Karenzi Karake, who last time we heard was being rounded up for misconduct, was now replacing the most powerful man in Rwanda today.

The good doctor (or Doctor Evil to some) was sent to the ministry of defence – what for? This we are yet to learn. Col. Tom Byabagamba, who previously headed the elite Presidential Guard Brigade and who not long ago was reported in local media to have fallen out with President Kagame before being sent on study leave, came back in as the chief of the newly created anti-terrorism unit. Yes, Kigali needs this unit, given the number of grenade attacks around the country in recent months!

And who else to complete a great gimmick. Col Dan Munyuza – who the online version of Umuvugizi – says he is the man whose voice is heard on the recorded telephone conversation between 3 Rwandese plotting the killing of Col. Patrick Karegeya in South Africa and “many more others”, was served as the pudding to what to me, has been a dodgy buffet of a reshuffle.

By appointing Col. Munyuza as head of foreign intelligence, the Commander in Chief was simply stating quite clearly that no matter the evidence (supposing he is proven to be the man on the phone in that telephone conversation on Umuvugizi),” the Butcher of Kigali” as some have since labelled him is still a close and trusted confidant of PK when it comes to foreign intelligence missions.

If we stop and pose for a second, it becomes clear that this was never a reshuffle as in the real meaning of the word but a change of guard. Reason I think people should not be too quick to celebrate.

Very few will have forgotten that not so long ago, the Rwandan government came on the radar of not one but two countries: (South Africa and the UK) as having sent hit squads to eliminate its perceived enemies resident in those said countries. If this was not embarrassing enough, the idea that the said missions – which were meant to be secret by the way- had not only gone wrong but also left enough clues linking them to Kigali should under normal circumstances, have warranted the arrest and questioning of those involved – or at worst, a resignation. But these are not normal circumstances, nor are we talking humanity here. People will say, hey do not be too judgemental, the case is being investigated in SA and until there is proof that these attempted killings were engineered or originated in Rwanda, the suspects remain free people. Really? Well why not, lets give them the benefit of the doubt. In a more democratic setting, such an accusation (and it is a big accusation) would have at least prompted an inquiry. It is or at least has been so damaging to the country and we can not allow a few bad apples to spoil the image of the nation. But who cares? Instead, we had a classic government denial and the dear Louise Mushikiwabo stating very clearly that the government of Rwanda does not threaten the lives of its citizens wherever they live. How I wish this was true.

Many will have thought that revelations in the numerous newspapers around the world that something strange and as sinister had been planned by the Rwandan Intelligence on citizens in foreign countries should have provided PK with enough ammunition to attack whoever was in charge. Never. In today’s Rwanda, the bespectacled Dr. is as powerful as his bespectacled Commander in Chief. Besides being cousins, the two share so much in common and unless you suffer from dementia, it would be naive to even begin to believe that this is a reshuffle that has any major effect as to the overall state policy. To those who have suggested that it signified PK’s lack of trust in his most trusted lieutenant, you better think again.

Exactly the very reason I think personally, that those celebrating should hold their guns. Because if this was not some gimmick, Dr. Ndahiro and his group should now be behind bars. Plotting the murder of, or sanctioning the elimination of Rwandan nationals wherever goes not only against the provisions of our Constitution but also is in breach of the duties and responsibilities of those holding public office. I do not remember anywhere in the oath that our public officials take before assuming office, where it is written that they pledge to engage in the elimination of fellow citizens. And don’t even begin talking about that nonsense called national security because that does not cut it.

Sending the Dr to the ministry of defence is another way of saying ” well as long as you do my biding, I will never forsake you”. But behind the politics of the recent reshuffle, we mustn’t forget the fact that some innocent Rwandans will have lost their lives and no one has the right to end another person’s life irrespective of political position. I say Rwandese deserve accountability and we must demand it now.

Remember in 1998, aware that the world was beginning to realise his war against the Hutus, the government (some will say Kagame) carried out a reshuffle appointing then Lt. Col Emmanuel Habyarimana the minister of state in charge of defence. Yes, in charge of defence (a post that has since disappeared and which honestly was as useless as anything but only aimed at cooling down tensions and part of an elaborate appeasement policy).

That was in 1998, and so much has happened since but if you asked me if that or the reshuffles that followed had any bearing on the betterment of the wrongs of the time, my answer is a clear no. Politics is a game and Paul Kagame is at centre court! He will be celebrating that his latest attempt to serve aces against an opponent (a world that was opening up and beginning to question his moral authority to lead given his aides’ dark history), seems to have worked. As for those celebrating the reshuffle as a good gesture or move towards sanity, I ask you to read between the lines.

There is more to fooling people than doing the right thing.

Rwandan Election: Doubts About the Poster Boy

Rwanda’s president Paul Kagame, long the darling of western donors, is widely expected to win August’s presidential polls, the second since the 1994 genocide. But is his success down to pure popularity, or because of an apparent crackdown on voices of dissent?

Rwanda’s president Paul Kagame, long the darling of western donors, is widely expected to win August’s presidential polls, the second since the 1994 genocide. But is his success down to pure popularity, or because of an apparent crackdown on voices of dissent?

Paul Kagame stands at a podium in an open-air stadium in Rwanda’s capital, Kigali, where terrified thousands sought refuge from the men with the machetes as the killing started exactly sixteen years earlier.

It is Genocide Memorial Day, April 7, 2010, and the president is talking about turning grief to strength and determination. So far he has spoken mostly in Kinyarwandan, his nation’s language, but without warning he switches to English.

What he says next is clearly directed at the suited dignitaries representing the world’s diplomatic missions, the donors who together pump roughly $700million into his country annually, or a little less than half its budget.

‘Political space, freedom of expression, press freedom, who are these giving anyone here lessons, honestly?’ Kagame asks, softly, seemingly genuinely puzzled, as applause breaks out behind him. ‘These Rwandans…are as free, as happy, as proud of themselves like they have never been.’

On the surface, Kagame is a poster boy for the west’s aid policies, an African leader who stamps on corruption, who uses international help to educate children, treat the sick, repair roads and boost business.

Former United States President Bill Clinton last year recognised his ‘public service’ with a Clinton Global Citizen Award. Former British Prime Minister Tony Blair is an unpaid and enthusiastic advisor to his government. Blair’s successor, David Cameron and senior members of the British Conservative party have for the last four years spent part of their summer recess building schools across Rwanda, and cosying up to its President.

So, why, at an event charged with the memories of sixteen years ago, is Kagame appearing to bite the hands that help feed his people? The reason is another date, August 9, when Rwandans vote in only their second democratic presidential election since the genocide.

UGLY EVENTS

In the lead-up to polling, a series of ugly events has focused the international spotlight on Kagame in a way that has never happened before. He suspended two popular independent newspapers, Umuseso and Umuvugizi, described by the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists as ‘the only critical media voices left in the country’.

A week later, Victoire Ingabire, head of the opposition Unitied Democratic Forces, returned from exile in Holland and was promptly arrested and charged with denying the genocide, among other indictments. She has been bailed, but is under house arrest. Her American lawyer, Peter Erlinder, was arrested too, also accused of genocide denial, and only released on medical grounds after three weeks.

A second presidential hopeful, Bernard Ntaganda, is in prison awaiting trial on four charges, including terrorism. A Human Rights Watch researcher was expelled from the country over alleged visa irregularities.

Only three opposition parties have been allowed to nominate presidential candidates. They are accused of at best being strategically soft on Kagame’s ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front, at worst, being its proxies. ‘There is nothing we can do, we have supporters, we are ready to contest the election, but we cannot because we cannot register,’ said Frank Habineza, leader of the Democratic Green Party of Rwanda.

Most seriously, a reporter from one of the banned newspapers, Jean-Leonard Rugambage, was shot dead outside his house on the evening of June 24.

Earlier in the day, a story he had written appeared online, alleging Rwandan security force involvement in the apparent assassination attempt of a disaffected army general – and former ally of Kagame’s – in South Africa.General Kayumba Nyamwasa, who reportedly fled Rwanda earlier this year afraid for his life, is expected to survive his injuries.

Two other army generals have been arrested in Rwanda, one for corruption, another for immoral conduct. Both were accused of links to a series of mysterious grenade attacks which killed one person and risk frightening-off tourists, who supply the largest share of the country’s foreign exchange earnings.

The vice-president of the opposition Democratic Green Party of Rwanda was found dead near his abandoned car on July 15, in what authorities said was a robbery. But his Green party colleagues immediately voiced suspicions that this too was a political killing. Kagame’s government has angrily denied any involvement in the deaths or shootings.

WESTERN WORRIES

‘It is strange. Why, if he has all this support, will he not allow opposition and then trounce them at the polls,’ asked a Kigali-based European diplomat. ‘Clearly all this other stuff is not the kind of press we were expecting out of Rwanda in the run-up to the elections.’

Certainly not, agreed US President Barack Obama’s point-man for Africa, Assistant Secretary of State Johnnie Carson. In testimony to the US House Foreign Affairs subcommittee on Africa, he said: ‘The political environment ahead of the election has been riddled
by a series of worrying actions taken by the Government of Rwanda, which appear to be attempts to restrict the freedom of expression.’

Carson’s comments came as something of a pleasant surprise to those frustrated at a lack of international pressure on a leader who, they felt, was being allowed to run his nation like a dictatorship.

‘Carson’s statement was significant, and encouraging,’ said Carina Tertsakian, the Human Rights Watch staffer whose Rwanda visa was cancelled. ‘Sadly so far we have seen very little will on the part of western donors to deal with this issue, we’ve seen nothing like that coming out of the UK, for example, which is by far the biggest European donor and main supporter of the Rwandan government. We hope for more [international pressure], but we’re not seeing it yet.’

But this is exactly the kind of attention that irritates Kagame that prompted his puzzled statements on Genocide Memorial Day. Much of the concern, from human rights organisations and media freedom advocates, centres on the accusation that the government uses the charge of denying the genocide as a political tool to silence critics.

Britain’s new coalition government has said it is watching the run-up to Rwanda’s election closely. Speaking to The World Today during a visit to Nairobi, Andrew Mitchell, the International Development Secretary, said Britain was Rwanda’s ‘good, but candid, friend’ and that he had raised concerns publicly and privately with the government in Kigali.

‘There are real issues about ethnicity in a country which saw over eight hundred thousand people murdered principally by machete and single shot in ninety days,’ he said.

‘You have an incredible legacy to balance between the desire of the survivors for revenge and the rights of the Hutu people to live in peace. I think we in the west should be respectful of that very difficult situation in arriving at conclusions about how the Rwandans handle it.

‘I’m not saying that the restriction on political space should go unchallenged, far from it. But I think that they are entitled to be cut quite a lot of slack in addressing ethnic issues which have the power to be deeply destabilising in a country with Rwanda’s history.’

From holding an iron grip on a generally supportive military, the same army which he led from exile into Rwanda to stop the genocide sixteen years ago, Kagame is now facing dissent among some senior officers.

There are accusations that political patronage is spread too thin. Or that control of privatised state assets is being passed to too small an inner circle.

But critics claim, discuss this and the strong arm of the state will find you. Further, they question the long term sustainability of what is, in essence, the world’s first real experiment in post-genocide state reconstruction.

Kagame’s unspoken theory is that if people are richer, they are less likely to fight because they will have far more to lose.

But that is not proven, and what if another seven years of firmly keeping the lid on dissent means that, come the next election, the pot is boiling and ready to explode?

‘It shouldn’t be us raising these issues, but as a Rwandan, what can you do’, asks Tertsakian. ‘As soon as you say anything, you are arrested and accused of genocide ideology, or threatened with it, or forced into exile.’

That is to entirely miss the point, counter Kagame’s supporters. ‘For Rwandans, guarding against genocide ideology is a matter of core national security,’ said Andrew Wallis, an advisor to Kagame’s government and author of Silent Accomplice: The Untold Story of France’s Role in the Rwandan Genocide.

‘Kagame feels that if you have a western-type full freedom of expression, that will allow revisionism, genocide denial, and that can lead to genocide itself. It’s still too soon since 1994. The feeling is, give the guy a break.’

BEST FOR BUSINESS

And Kagame’s record – human rights concerns aside – is impressive. A country utterly on its knees sixteen years ago, where neighbours had turned on neighbours, teachers on pupils, churchmen on congregations, is now among Africa’smost successful.

Since Kagame was first democratically elected – privately saying his models for how to run his country were South Korea and Singapore -economic growth has averaged above eight percent, and this year the World Bank named it as the world’s best business reformer.

Kigali aims to become a regional hub for conferencing and the service industry. Broadband internet cables are snaking up and down the hills.

Primary schooling is now free, extra teachers are being hired, new universities planned. Subsistence farmers – still eighty percent of the eleven million population – are advised on modern techniques and organic fertilisers.

Rwanda became only the second non-Anglophone country – after Mozambique – to join the Commonwealth last year, and Kagame has come to something of a rapprochement with the French, whom he long accused of favouring the Hutu genocidaires before and during 1994’s horrors.

Both moves are aimed at broadening Rwanda’s business partnerships. Beijing is being courted, but is unlikely to be as big a player as elsewhere in Africa because Rwanda has few minerals.

So, it is clear that Kagame will win re-election this year. For many Rwanda-watchers, the more fascinating contest will be the next presidential polls, in 2017. The president is unlikely to stand again, but as yet there is no clue as to his successor.

‘The question is whether Rwanda is ready for a Western-style democracy, and the answer at this point probably is no,’ said Wallis. ‘He has been called many things, but one is for sure: Kagame is a man of immense vision, and that vision is being impressively implemented. Why must outsiders keep pushing their theories of how to run a country onto Rwanda?’

‘Give him another seven years to bequeath a country where everyone’s too busy making money to risk anything like 1994, and then, perhaps, that will be time for true multipartyism. It’s far from sure, though.’

Mike Pflanz, Correspondent, East, West and Central Africa, Daily Telergaph, in Nairobi

The gutter that is Rwanda’s New Times

By Eleneus Akanga

From bomb thrower, incompetent army officer and now petty thief! Rwanda or at least the government mouth piece wants us to believe that Lt. Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa, the country’s former Army Chief of Staff, now a refugee in South Africa, was always a bad grape.

When news broke in March this year that the general had fled the country, Rwanda was quick to dismiss him as a very incompetent officer, who as they claimed “had always believed in gaining cheap popularity and had at one point abandoned comrades on the battle field”.  Because, Gen. Kayumba’s record was there for many to see, this version of events did not sell. As a counter measure, the government decided to instead accuse him of throwing grenades. That too, did not seem to sell as expected. President Kagame himself decided to step in, branding Nyamwasa, a nobody, with some reports even suggesting he (Kagame) had referred to both Gen. Kayumba and Col. Patrick Karegeya as human excrete! Talk about stooping so low!

That again did not seem to achieve the aim. President Kagame instead, decided this time, to grant an exclusive interview to The Daily Monitor, one of Uganda’s leading English newspapers to shed more light on Nyamwasa – the menace. Why Daily Monitor and not Rwanda’s New Times is something I will explain later.

The exclusive interview seemed to have achieved its aim until Gen. Nyamwasa sent in a rejoinder. It was to reveal much more than everyone else knew. And it is this well written and clearly thought out response from the general that according to a close source, Kigali is still wondering whether it should have ruthlessly pursued Nyamwasa in the papers like it did.

I am going into all this just to get you my readers into the reason I have decided to come up with this short piece.

Just like technology has saved the world from all the hustles of everyday life, The New Times has saved the regime in Kigali all the hustle, except, in technology’s case, the technicians have been wise enough to realise where to put stops and where not to.

In case you are wondering, read today’s opinion in The New Times. The writer “Mr. Anonymous” or if you may, a retired RDF officer, is trying to tell the world the truth about Gen. Nyamwasa.

He begins by telling readers that besides working closely with Nyamwasa, he actually lived with him. He is not shy to even reveal that he got involved in dubious deals with the exiled general transporting looted merchandise from Northern Uganda where they were based, to Nyamwasa’s flat in Bugolobi.

The retired RDF officer goes on: “Between 1988 and 1990, I participated in dirty deals in which Kayumba used to loot Wanainchi property ranging from maize milling machines to large sums of money from the North”. Not enough confession to press charges? Wait and see!

“These milling machines would later be sold to Vendors in Owino market in Kampala,” he goes on arguing that “a share of some of the proceeds from the loot would be given to some NRM/NRA cadres and senior commanders especially those who were involved in the operations in Northern Uganda, to earn Kayumba remarkable cheap popularity within the senior NRA command and staff officers despite the fact that he was just a Second Lieutenant (2Lt)”.

Unless Mr. Anonymous thinks we are all stupid, it would be foolhardy of him/her to believe anyone is going to fall for this bunkum.  Even if it were true, is it possible, leave alone logical that proceeds from milling machines could buy the loyalty of NRM/NRA cadres and senior commanders for as he /she says “remarkable” cheap popularity?

Even if it were true, Mr. Anonymous and Gen. Nyamwasa would have had to ferry trucks and trucks of milling machines, to be able to raise enough money to bribe senior cadres and officers and hope too that everyone at Owino be in demand of milling machines!

If Rwanda or President Kagame is what he claims to be (a no nonsense disciplinarian who does not tolerate corruption and hates working with crooks) he should order the arrest and immediate detention of Mr. Anonymous. For, not only is this fellow a criminal and an accessory to a crime, he, having been privy to this information for so many years and served in the RDF with this kind of spirit, tells much of who actually RDF is composed of.

And for The New Times, to have allowed to publish this piece by Mr. Anonymous as its main opinion piece reveals much. Many a time, The New Times has been rightly referred to as Kagame’s mouth piece much to the annoyance of those who support it. If this had been a story, published in say, Umurabyo, Umuseso or Umuvugizi, the High Council of the Press would be up in arms against the publishers demanding that either the publication reveal the name of the author or risk being suspended for good. Sadly, because it is The New Times, no one will be summoned or even questioned. The New Times can gladly mystify and demonise people, including officers and men who gave half their adult life fighting for Rwanda, and nothing happens. Why? Because it is well insulated.

This is a newspaper, that Rwanda and Kagame’s government will want you to take seriously, believe as a model publication and an authoritative source of news on Rwanda. As the only remaining newspaper in Rwanda or one of the few remaining ones (they arent many left) in the run-up to elections, the government will want you to believe  its stories on the forthcoming elections.

But if this is a publication that very clearly has shown itself as lacking in both professionalism and content, why should anyone really care or believe what it writes?

Is it any wonder then that President Kagame, himself shuns it, and chooses instead to grant his exclusives to the likes of The Daily Monitor, Jeune Afrique and SABC?

You can fool the world for sometime but you cannot fool the world forever.

There are not many people who were so close to Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa while still a junior officer both in Northern Uganda and later in Rwanda. There can only be 2 or three. And these would include the current head of state. Are we not to believe that President Kagame or one of the few other high ranking officers under his command today would be Mr. Anonymous?

And what happens if it is later found out that one of our senior officers oversaw and participated in the looting of milling machines and chose to conceal the info until July 2010?

Yet another reason to fear for Rwanda. Be very afraid my friends. Over to you my little monsters…

Is the West treading a dangerous path on Rwanda?

By Eleneus Akanga

First was the arrival in Rwanda and subsequent incarceration of Victoire Ingabire, a Rwandan, who until January 16, 2010, was exiled in Holland. While she was lucky to escape immediate detention on arrival at Kanombe International Airport, the establishment’s decision to ground her was meant to be a stern reminder to all, that Rwanda is simply not ready to talk about its genocide in a manner different from that towed by the ruling regime.

By speaking out on the lack of indicators of Hutu victims of the 1994 Rwandan genocide, at the genocide memorial centre in Kigali, Ms. Ingabire thought, such would open up a genuine debate on the country’s history.  A debate, that would examine what exactly happened in Rwanda, pre and post genocide, and give Rwandans (victims, perpetrators and neutrals) a chance to objectively discuss the real issues that have continued to make true reconciliation in Rwanda impossible. Her argument was swiftly regarded as very divisive, her talk very controversial. She was to later be accused of working with the FDLR (remnants of the Hutu extremists based in Congo), charged with collaborating with terrorists, downplaying genocide and divisionism.

As Ms. Ingabire tried to clear her name, news came in of yet another bad story for Kigali. Lt. Gen Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, former Army Chief of Staff and until then, Ambassador to India, had fled the country. He was to later be accused of throwing bombs in Kigali (even when the police spokesman had suggested the grenade attacks were the work of the FDLR) and his diplomatic immunity was withdrawn.

Almost immediately, President Kagame made a series of high profile changes in the military. While many saw this as progression of fear and a possible link to rumours of a coup detat in Rwanda, the government rubbished the claims as baseless, arguing instead, that the reshuffle was normal.

Meanwhile, Rwanda mounted a ferocious war of words with Gen. Nyamwasa accusing him of corruption, terrorism, incompetence (even when the government is on record to have awarded Nyamwasa for excellence and hardwork). To observers, Gen. Nyamwasa’s break up with President Kagame had been so acrimonious that when the general survived a shooting in South Africa, many suspected Kigali had a hand.

As we tried to get to the real facts in the Nyamwasa shooting case, Jean Leonard Rugambage, the acting editor of Umuvugizi, a local language publication, was killed on his way home from work. The circumstances surrounding his death were as deplorable as they were very suspicious. This was a journalist, whose publication had published a story that day, which seemed to suggest complicity on the side of the Rwandan security services, in Gen. Nyamwasa’s shooting.  Even with two suspects now in custody over his death and one having confessed, there are many who still suspect Rugambage’s death as having been an assassination.

As the nation and the media world mourned the death of a brave and vocal journalist whose work they had grown to like, Agnes Uwimana, another editor with the local weekly, Umurabyo was arrested on charges of genocide denial and inciting violence. Ms Uwimana who had served a year in prison for defamation and inciting ethnic division was followed yet by another journalist Saidati Mukakibibi for comparing Kagame to Hitler.

And just yesterday, the body of Andre Kagwa Rwisereka, the vice president of the Democratic Green Party of Rwanda, was found murdered near his car, after being reported to have gone missing. Mr. Rwisereka would have died a happy man if the ruling government had not persistently refused the registration of his political party, despite numerous attempts by party members to fulfil everything required of them to register. His case is likely to raise more questions than answers. The government has linked his death to a robbery, an argument the Rwanda Greens, have flatly rejected calling instead for an independent and thorough investigation.

It is worth noting that these sad events have happened in between the closure or suspension as the government would want it called, of the two most popular and independent newspapers in Rwanda. Umuseso and Umuvugizi, which would have tried to report  at least with some success , the events in Rwanda right now were slapped with a six months suspension by the High Council of the Press in April this year for violating the media law and inciting public order.

It would appear that any dissenting opinion, business or project, which endeavours to critically question or suggest a different view to that universally acceptable by those in power in Rwanda is either charged with inciting violence or put out of the public domain. And it matters less how this silencing is done. In some cases, those in question have been lucky that the silencing act has come in form of putting them out of business. To some, silence has been promoted through ending their lives by people who choose to put the law in their own hands – people the government tells us are thieves or thugs avenging their departed.

Very sad too, that despite these saddening developments in Rwanda, the closest we have come to a demand for proper accountability from the regime in Kigali by those the world looks up to in cases of democracy (US, UK, France, Belgium or the West as they are collectively known) is a muted and thinly veiled remark from US Secretary of State, Hilary Clinton that Rwanda risks losing what it has gained over the years. Even the UN has been silent despite numerous calls from Reporters Without Borders and Committee to Protect Journalists on the plight of democracy, political space and press freedom in Rwanda.

At least Spanish Prime Minister Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero decided not to go ahead with a meeting today with Mr. Kagame today in Madrid.

You would think that after what happened in Rwanda sixteen years ago, any hints of possible mayhem would be adhered to with some consideration. President Kagame will definitely win another 7 year-term as expected, and even more so after effectively banning any credible opposition by selectively choosing who registers and who does not. He will argue there are laws to be followed for party registration, and rightly so, but who can deny that these rules have been made to make it extremely difficult for any credible opposition party to register?

Is it fair that the European Union should agree to send election observers to Rwanda for an election whose result is already known?  It is such failure to act that promotes and encourages African leaders to flout democratic principles. It is this failure to act on potential hints of broken societies or increasingly repressive governments, that has helped breed strong dictators. And when the chickens finally come home to roost, questions will be asked as to whether the West did not actually abet oppression in some of our countries.

Over to you my little monsters…

INVESTIGATE MURDER OF RWANDAN JOURNALIST

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL

URGENT ACTION

Rwandan journalist Jean Leonard Rugambage was killed on 24 June.  Authorities must establish an independent commission of enquiry into the killing and ensure other journalists can work in safety.

Jean Leonard Rugambage, the Deputy Editor of Rwandan newspaper, Umuvugizi, was shot dead outside his home in the Rwandan capital, Kigali on 24 June 2010. Jean Leonard Rugambage is the first Rwandan journalist murdered in recent years.

Jean Leonard Rugambage returned home around 10pm on 24 June 2010. He was shot dead as he reached the gate of his home in the Kigali suburb, Nyamirambo. His exiled Managing Editor-in-Chief, Jean-Bosco Gasasira, has stated that witnesses who heard the gunshots saw the unknown assailant drive away in a car.  Police arrived at the scene soon afterwards, but Jean Leonard Rugambage was already dead.

The Rwanda Police have confirmed that Jean Leonard Rugambage body remained at Kigali’s Police Hospital and would not be released for burial until a later date. Police investigations have been opened.

Jean Leonard Rugambage had been investigating the shooting of the exiled former Chief-of-Staff of the Rwandan Army, Kayumba Nyamwasa, which took place in Johannesburg, South Africa, on 19 June 2010. Umuvugizi had published an on-line article on 24 June 2010, the day of Jean Leonard Rugambage’s murder, alleging that Rwandan intelligence officials were linked to the shooting. In the days before his murder, Jean Leonard Rugambage had told colleagues that he felt that the surveillance on him had intensified.

PLEASE WRITE IMMEDIATELY in English, French or your own language:

n  urging them to ensure that any autopsy of the body of Jean Leonard Rugambage is undertaken by independent medical experts;

n  calling on them to establish an independent commission of enquiry into the killing of Jean Leonard Rugambage;

n  demanding that they ensure that the perpetrators are brought to trial promptly and in accordance with international fair trial standards;

n  urging them to make public assurances that all Rwandan journalists can work freely, independently and with full protection from state authorities.

PLEASE SEND APPEALS BEFORE 6 AUGUST 2010 TO:

President

Paul Kagame

Office of the President

BP 15

Urugwiro Village
Kigali
Rwanda

Fax: +250 572431

Salutation: Dear President Kagame

Police commissioner

Emmanuel Gasana

Commissioner General

Rwandan National Police

Kigali

Rwanda

Fax: +250 58 66 02

Salutation: Dear Commissioner General

Prosecutor General

Martin Ngoga

National Public Prosecution Autnority

BP 1328

Kigali

Rwanda

Fax: +250 589 501

Salutation: Dear Prosecutor General

Also send copies to diplomatic representatives accredited to your country. Please check with your section office if sending appeals after the above date.

URGENT ACTION

INVESTIGATE MURDER OF RWANDAN JOURNALIST

Additional Information

Jean Leonard Rugambage’s newspaper, Umuvugizi, was suspended in April 2010 until after Rwanda’s presidential elections scheduled for August 2010. The Rwandan High Media Council, a regulatory body aligned with the government, suspended Umuvugizi for six months alleging they had incited opposition to the government and divided the army.  Umuseso, another private newspaper, was also banned for six months. The High Media Council later started court proceedings to initiate a permanent ban against both papers.  After the suspension, Umuvugizi continued to publish on their website, launched in May, though their website was not accessible from within Rwanda.

Jean-Leonard Rugambage became the Acting Editor of Umuvugizi after the Managing Editor, Jean-Bosco Gasasira, fled Rwanda in April 2010 after threats following Umuvugizi’s suspension. Jean-Bosco Gasasira had been brutally assaulted in February 2007 by unidentified men with iron bars. Prior to the attack, Jean-Bosco Gasasira, had also published several articles critical of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), the ruling political party.

Over recent years, Rwandan journalists working for non-state media have frequently been threatened and physically assaulted. Criminal sanctions have also been used against them to stifle freedom of expression. There have been no known cases of Rwandan journalists murdered in Rwanda in recent years, but several journalists have fled Rwanda for their safety.

Such an attack comes, as the space for independent reporting fast diminishes before Rwanda’s August 2010 presidential elections. Amnesty International has called on the Rwandan authorities to respect the rights to freedom of association and freedom of expression and to ensure that journalists can work freely, independently and with protection from state authorities.

UA: 143/10 Index: AFR 47/004/2010 Issue Date: 25 June 2010

Rwanda: Stop Attacks on Journalists, Opponents

(New York, June 26, 2010) – Insecurity and political repression are increasing in advance of Rwanda’s August 2010 presidential elections, Human Rights Watch warned today.  In the last two days, an independent journalist has been killed, the leader of an opposition party has been detained by the police, and other opposition party members have been arrested.

“The security situation is rapidly deteriorating,” said Rona Peligal, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “With only 45 days left before the election, the government is lashing out to silence its opponents and critics.”

The Rwandan government should investigate all incidents of violence and ensure that opposition activists and journalists are able to carry out their legitimate activities in safety, Human Rights Watch said.

Jean-Léonard Rugambage, a journalist for the newspaper Umuvugizi, was shot dead shortly after 10 p.m. on June 24 outside his home in Nyamirambo, in the capital, Kigali. His colleagues and other sources in Rwanda told Human Rights Watch that the assailant appeared to be waiting for the journalist as he returned home.

As Rugambage drove up to his gate, a man approached his car and fired several shots at close range, hitting him in the head and chest. Rugambage died on the spot. The assailant then drove off. Police arrived on the scene and took Rugambage’s body to the police hospital in Kacyiru for autopsy. The police stated on June 25 that they were investigating his death.

Umuvugizi, an independent newspaper that has often been critical of the government, had published an article online on the morning Rugambage was killed, alleging that the Rwandan government was behind the attempted murder of a former Rwandan general, Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, in South Africa on June 19, and implicating senior officials.  General Kayumba, once a close ally of President Paul Kagame and a former chief-of-staff of the Rwandan army, has become an increasingly outspoken critic of the government since fleeing to South Africa in February 2010.  Umuvugizi’s editor said that Rugambage had been investigating the murder attempt on Kayumba and had reported being under increased surveillance in the days leading up to his death.

“We are shocked and saddened by the death of this courageous journalist,” Peligal said.  “Freedom of expression is already severely restricted in Rwanda, but the death of Rugambage is a further chilling blow to investigative journalism and, more broadly, to freedom of expression in the country.”

Human Rights Watch called on the Rwandan authorities to ensure that those responsible for Rugambage’s murder are brought to justice without delay, and to ensure the security and protection of other journalists.

In the early hours of June 24, police entered the house of Bernard Ntaganda, leader of the opposition party PS-Imberakuri, and took him away for questioning.  He has spent two days in police custody and is believed to be detained at Kicukiro police station.  The exact accusations against him are not confirmed, but it is thought that the police have questioned him, among other things, about his alleged involvement in an attempted arson attack on the house of former party vice-president, Christine Mukabunani, and inciting ethnic divisions.

Members of the PS-Imberakuri reported that the police raided Ntaganda’s house and the party’s office and took away documents and other belongings. By June 25, the party’s flag and sign had been taken down from their office.

Later on the morning of June 24, several members of PS-Imberakuri were rounded up by the police and taken into custody after they gathered outside the US embassy; they had gone there to ask for help following Ntaganda’s arrest. Some were released, but several, including the party’s secretary-general, Théobald Mutarambirwa, remained in detention in various locations in Kigali on June 25.

Also on the morning of June 24, police arrested several members of the FDU-Inkingi opposition party, who had gathered outside the Justice Ministry to protest a court case against their party president, Victoire Ingabire.  Most were released on June 25, but the party’s secretary-general, Sylvain Sibomana, treasurer, Alice Muhirwa, and Kigali representative, Théoneste Sibomana, were still in detention at the police station in Kicukiro on June 26. Some FDU-Inkingi members reported that when the police broke up their gathering, the police told them that they should stop being members of the party. Police also surrounded Ingabire’s house at about 6 a.m. on June 24, and stayed there for most of the day.

Members of both parties reported being beaten by the police.

On June 25, the Commissioner General of Police issued a statement saying that about 40 individuals had attempted to hold a demonstration without a permit, that 22 people had been arrested and questioned, 14 had been released and eight were being held for further questioning.

“These incidents are occurring at the very moment that parties are putting forward candidates for the presidential elections,” Peligal said.  “The government is ensuring that opposition parties are unable to function and are excluded from the political process.”

Intimidation of Independent Media

The killing of Rugambage was not the first incident of violence against journalists.  In February 2007, a group of assailants attacked Umuvugizi’s editor, Jean-Bosco Gasasira, in a near fatal incident outside his house, after he spoke out at a presidential news conference about the harassment of journalists. No one has been brought to justice for the attack.

In July 2009, the information minister publicly declared that “the days of the destructive press are numbered,” referring to Umuvugizi and a second independent newspaper, Umuseso. Within 24 hours, the national prosecutor’s office had summoned Gasasira to answer allegations of defamation, a criminal offense punishable with imprisonment. Gasasira was convicted and sentenced to pay a large fine. Umuseso faced similar defamation charges for exposing scandals involving public figures. In February, a court sentenced its former editor, Charles Kabonero, to a year in prison and the current editor, Didas Gasana, and a reporter, Richard Kayigamba, to six months each. The editors of both newspapers have fled the country after receiving repeated threats.

On April 13, the Media High Council, a government-aligned body in charge of regulating the media, suspended Umuseso and Umuvuzigi for six months, and then called for their definitive closure. It alleged, among other things, that some of their articles constituted a threat to national security.  The newspapers’ appeal against the suspension is still pending. The suspension has effectively shut down most independent reporting in advance of the elections, since Umuseso and Umuvugizi were among the very few active independent newspapers left in Rwanda. Umuvugizi has since posted an electronic version of its newspaper, but access to its website has been blocked inside Rwanda.

Obstruction of Opposition Parties

Incidents of harassment and intimidation of members of opposition parties have steadily increased in the months leading up to the August elections.  Ntaganda and Ingabire, as well as their party members, have been especially targeted. Unless the situation changes in the very near future, none of the three main opposition parties (PS-Imberakuri, FDU-Inkingi, and the Democratic Green Party of Rwanda) will be able to take part in the elections.  Parties and independent candidates must submit their candidacies to the National Electoral Commission by July 2.

Paul Kagame: The monster out of a “hero”

NICK WADHAMS – NAIROBI (Time)

President Paul Kagame of Rwanda is often lauded around the world for pulling his country out of the mire of genocide 16 years ago. But Rwandan opposition leaders, diplomats and rights activists fear Kagame is now cracking down on his opponents ahead of national elections in August. They cite two prominent examples: Charles Kabonero, a Rwandan newspaper editor, sits in exile in Uganda, doing internships with civil society groups; and Victoire Ingabire, an opposition politician, sits in a different sort of exile, unable to leave Rwanda’s capital Kigali, until a trial against her ends.

The banning of Kabonero’s Umuseso newspaper earlier this month and Ingabire’s arrest on Wednesday were only the most recent in a series of actions — including a military shakeup, arrests and the decision by many ambassadors, opposition leaders and rights activists to go into exile — that have western diplomats and regional experts worried that Kagame may be purging supposed enemies and cutting out potential threats before the vote.

“Things are not good,” Kabonero, whose Umuseso was shut down for six months on April 13, tells TIME. “We are seeing a situation where the government is doing everything it can to instill fear, and to make sure that the opposition doesn’t have the opportunity to access the public.”

Rwanda has come an incredibly long way since the genocide, which saw Hutus slaughter 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus in just three months. But opposition figures say they believe Kagame is now preying on fears of another genocide to crush the opposition. He won 95% of the vote in 2003 elections that were seen as flawed.

They point to the “genocide ideology” law that is meant to keep people from fanning ethnic hatred, but which critics say has been used to stifle dissent.

Kagame is a conundrum to western diplomats, who say that despite his flaws, Rwanda’s president has fought to control corruption and has expanded the economy. “This is a country that has a vision, this is a country that has made miraculous progress since 1994,” said a western official in Rwanda, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to speak with the press. “On the other hand, there’s the issue of democracy. And there it gets a lot more complicated.”

Kagame’s attitude toward dissent was thrust into the spotlight when Victoire Ingabire, leader of the opposition United Democratic Forces, was arrested Wednesday, after returning to the country in January. She was charged with associating with a terrorist group and propagating “genocide ideology” for comments she made at a genocide memorial event in which she said Hutu victims of the genocide must also not be forgotten. Ingabire said she is innocent and simply wants to start a dialogue that has been stifled for years. The government and some western officials, speaking to TIME anonymously, fear she is essentially using ethnicity to win support among fellow Hutus. Her party has not been allowed to register and it seems unlikely so far that she will be allowed to run for the presidency.

“What we say is that the government will use the genocide for political ends,” Ingabire tells TIME by phone from Rwanda. “If we say ‘Hutus were also victims,’ for the government, this is genocide ideology. There was a genocide but there were also other crimes in Rwanda, there were crimes against humanity, and we have to remember all the victims of this tragedy.”

Similar accusations of stirring hatred and inciting violence were leveled against the two newspapers that were banned earlier this month. Kabonero’s Umuseso and another opposition newspaper Umuvugizi had been critical of the government in the past. The Media High Council, a nominally independent body, said they had insulted Kagame, incited insubordination among the police and army, and stirred fear. The council’s executive secretary, Patrice Mulama, says that in Rwanda — where pro-Hutu radio played such a huge role in fanning the genocide — the media must be especially careful not to provoke tension.

“We didn’t do this because we wanted to suppress media freedom but we did it because freedom comes with responsibility,” Mulama tells TIME. “We want to ensure that there is media freedom but that the people who practice journalism do it responsibly. There is no freedom that can be accepted if it infringes on the rights of the others or where it endangers the safety of citizens and incites the public to violence.”

The latest sign of the crackdown came late Friday. That was when the New York-based rights group Human Rights Watch announced that the Rwandan government had denied a work permit to its new researcher there, Carina Tertsakian. She was on a three-month visa that expires Saturday. According to Human Rights Watch, the government said there were “anomalies” in Tertsakian’s application, a claim the group denies. It claims that the decision is part of a government strategy of targeting individuals rather than risking international condemnation by kicking out the rights watchdog itself.

“It’s a blow for Human Rights Watch and is part of a broader pattern of what’s going on Rwanda,” says Georgette Gagnon, Africa Director at Human Rights Watch. “The Government has chosen to go after an individual because they think it is easier than going after the organization and is less likely to draw attention from the international community. Human Rights Watch will appeal the decision and will continue working on human rights in Rwanda.”

Read more: http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1984315,00.html#ixzz0m3Q2YXNU

From Gatsinzi to Kabarebe and now Umuseso, what exactly is Paul Kagame’s ultimate motive?

Anyone who has been following events in Rwanda over the last few weeks will agree with me that it is now clear what President Paul Kagame really wants. A safer Rwanda! A Rwanda, where there is no political upheaval, no opposition politics, no sentimental politicians, no old friends, no dissent and above all, no critical newspapers to report the prevailing ‘peace and tranquillity’.

Presidential elections will go ahead as planned in August and when the dust has settled in September, those still living will witness a sympathetic, loving and caring president, a head of state ready to forgive and forget as he embarks on another seven year term as head of state. How cool is that!.

Gen Marcel Gatsinzi will be hauled to court to answer the genocide charges that continue to linger around his back before being thrown into jail. Lt. Gen Charles Kayonga will be sent to Rwanda’s Pentagon and given a few challenging but less empowering tasks and Gen Kabarebe will most likely retire. Rwandans will have a newly elected leader and The New Times will struggle not to lead with a headline that reads: PK rigs to set new world record!

The High Council of the Press will come up with yet another silly document which Patrice Mulama, posing in front of cameras will read confirming that Umuseso and Umuvugizi newspapers have been reinstated. It will be business as usual and the international community will continue to pour money into Rwanda with the aim of ending poverty and fostering economic development.

Right path? Don’t ask me for I really don’t know. What is clear though is that Paul Kagame, having commanded the forces that he says ended the genocide and helped restore order in chaotic Rwanda, has embarked on a self destructing campaign. He will stop at nothing to make himself clear and louder to all that Rwanda belongs to him and only he knows what is good for the country. He does not even appear bothered by the idea of ruling the country as if it is some family ranch, because according to what he knows, he is popular, charismatic and knows his country’s history better than anyone else. And who are we to challenge him? What exactly do we know? To him we are rejects who should either shut up or put up with whatever nonsense being paraded as long as we rise up at the end of the day to toss to the monsieur- only this time, in English!

Make no mistake the president is in charge. When coup rumours went around a month ago he was very stern as he was precise in his assurances to his audience that Rwanda will never have a coup. “A coup in Rwanda, never…not here,” he said. If that was a statement that lacked the marrow, he made certain a few days ago with impromptu changes in the army. Gen Gatsinzi, the hitherto docile Defence Minister was dropped for a close friend (former friend some will argue) Gen. James Kabarebe.

Lt. Gen Charles Kayonga, who many basing their conviction on local media reports thought was under house arrest, got in to replace Gen. Kabarebe. Some will argue this was a tactical move by the man in charge. Technically demote the popular Gen Kabarebe by making him defence minister and bring Kayonga closer in a more demanding position where he can be checked on and made very busy to even think of a coup.

Am not very knowledgeable about the finer intricacies of army changes but speculation has never been my speciality either. It is very plausible though that it is much easier to look after and maintain an eye on a chief of defence forces than it is to someone who is head of land forces. For the sake of the issue at hand, I will take what the official version is and leave the rest to you my readers. Fortunately, there is even no official version of the changes, just a routine reshuffle.

Political temperatures in Kigali continue to rise. Kagame continues to impress. He seems very popular with the wanainchi or at least looks so whenever he pays them visits. Opposition politics in Rwanda remains a far cry. Those who have dared to challenge the establishment now find themselves in limbo fearing not only for their lives but at the moment for their political parties as well.

Victoire Ingabire has been summoned to the Criminal Investigations Department  more times than she has been allowed to go to church unattended. She is religious but the government would rather she was not. Religious people get to meet others when they go to church. And when you don’t want someone to mix with others for fear that they will talk about their political agenda, you so wish they were pagans.

Frank Habineza, another of the political hopefuls, a former Rwandese Patriotic Front member who broke ranks to form the Democratic Green Party of Rwanda – a party whose registration seems to bother Kagame more than the poverty in the country – is not having it smooth either. He has on several occasions been in the news complaining about scary emails and intimidating phone calls from state agents who continue to threaten him unless he gets out of politics.

Bernard Ntaganda who until a week ago was party chairman for Rwanda’s only vocal political party PS-Imberakuri was successfully ousted by a party wrangle within his own party that many believe was orchestrated by the ruling Rwanda Patriotic Front.

With these under control, in dissaray, under investigation or currently being accused of one or several offences, Kagame will definitely emerge as the one and only presidential candidate come August. He will achieve what he has set out to achieve – rule Rwanda – forever and as long as the elections are held at the hindsight of local and international observers, we will have no legal reason to believe that his victory was manipulated.

The media, which in such an environment would have provided credible evidence as to the real situation on the ground has been manipulated. Those like Umuseso, who have not been so keen at accepting government tokens have now been suspended. The six months suspension effectively rules out Umuseso in the media life of Rwandans until, well, after the elections. If that is not calculated then I stand to be corrected as to whether Kagame is not preparing himself as the father figure and self appointed Lord of Rwanda, he wishes and claims to be.